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Where Men Win Glory: The Odyssey of Pat Tillman Paperback – July 27, 2010
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In 2002, Pat Tillman walked away from a multimillion-dollar NFL contract to join the Army and became an icon of American patriotism. When he was killed in Afghanistan two years later, a legend was born. But the real Pat Tillman was much more remarkable, and considerably more complicated than the public knew.
Sent first to Iraq—a war he would openly declare was “illegal as hell” —and eventually to Afghanistan, Tillman was driven by emotionally charged, sometimes contradictory notions of duty, honor, justice, and masculine pride, and he was determined to serve his entire three-year commitment. But on April 22, 2004, his life would end in a barrage of bullets fired by his fellow soldiers. Though obvious to most of the two dozen soldiers on the scene that a ranger in Tillman’s own platoon had fired the fatal shots, the Army aggressively maneuvered to keep this information from Tillman’s family and the American public for five weeks following his death. During this time, President Bush used Tillman’s name to promote his administration’ s foreign policy. Long after Tillman’s nationally televised memorial service, the Army grudgingly notified his closest relatives that he had “probably” been killed by friendly fire while it continued to dissemble about the details of his death and who was responsible.
Drawing on Tillman’s journals and letters and countless interviews with those who knew him and extensive research in Afghanistan, Jon Krakauer chronicles Tillman’s riveting, tragic odyssey in engrossing detail highlighting his remarkable character and personality while closely examining the murky, heartbreaking circumstances of his death. Infused with the power and authenticity readers have come to expect from Krakauer’s storytelling, Where Men Win Glory exposes shattering truths about men and war.
This edition has been updated to reflect new developments and includes new material obtained through the Freedom of Information Act.
- Print length480 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- Publication dateJuly 27, 2010
- Dimensions5.16 x 0.1 x 7.95 inches
- ISBN-109780307386045
- ISBN-13978-0307386045
- Lexile measure1300L
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“The fallen man at the heart of Where Men Win Glory quickly emerges as a classic Krakauer character. A charismatic athlete possessed of an insatiably curious mind, Tillman spurned the riches of life . . . to pursue old-fashioned notions of honor and sacrifice. He’s Into the Wild’s Chris McCandless gone to war.” —Outside Magazine
“Riveting. . . . Krakauer’s gripping book about this extraordinary man who lived passionately and died unnecessarily sets the record straight.” —USA Today
“Talk about an inspired pairing of subject and author. . . . [Where Men Win Glory] reveals a far more complex and emotional character than the mythical American ‘hero.’” —O, The Oprah Magazine
“Everyone (hawks, doves, patriots, subversives) can find something to celebrate in Pat Tillman. . . . A detailed portrait of a complicated hero.” —Sports Illustrated
“Gripping, heartbreaking reading. . . . At once unique and universal. . . . A fitting tribute.” —The Christian Science Monitor
“The first deeply reported book about Tillman by a first-rate journalist.” —San Francisco Chronicle
“A riveting examination of another American idealist's startling path and haunting death.” —The Daily Beast
“The combination of Krakauer and Tillman seems hard to resist. . . . Krakauer is a masterly writer and reporter. . . . [He] skillfully sketches Tillman’s singular personality.” —The New York Times Book Review
“Jon Krakauer has done his job well. . . . He has made [Tillman’s story] compelling and passionate. . . . The man who emerges is an iconoclast who is comfortable with challenging the status quo but hardly an angel.” —The Denver Post
“Krakauer brilliantly turns investigative reporter. . . . [A] wrenching account of the life and death of NFL star Pat Tillman.” —People, 4 out of 4 stars
“It’s tough to think of a better match than Jon Krakauer . . . and the story of Pat Tillman.” —Men’s Journal
“[A] riveting book. . . . No mere hagiography, this is investigative reporting at its best.” —The Village Voice, A Best Book of the Year
“Compelling. . . . [An] exceptional life. . . . The definitive version of events surrounding Tillman's death.” —The Los Angeles Times
“Jon Krakauer seeks out what people like to call American characters. Independent . . . guided by something powerful and beautiful. . . . [Tillman] was fearless and possessed of a remarkable sense of justice from the time he was born.” —GQ
“Tillman reveals himself to be an intelligent, inquisitive, principled, and tolerant young man with a zest for life. . . . [His story] is rendered with alarming clarity and chilling details.” —Boston Globe
“I read—devoured, actually—the Jon Krakauer book about Pat Tillman. . . . [Tillman] is a true alpha male, naturally pulling in others to follow his lead as if drawn by magnetic force. He was intensely curious, always challenging the status quo and interested in everyone. . . . Perhaps we can look to Pat Tillman for an enduring resolution to leave our comfort zones and step up when opportunities arise.” —Andrew Brandt, The Huffington Post
“A page-turning narrative. . . . Krakauer has found his most fascinating character to date.” —Lincoln Journal-Star
“The account of Tillman’s final hours is harrowing, and, at times, grisly. But it also resonates with what seems to be the unmistakable ring of truth.” —The Philadelphia Inquirer
“[Krakauer] is thoroughly at home when it comes to writing about elusive alpha males and the chances they choose to take in forbidding territory. . . . Heart-rending.” —Louisville Courier Journal
“The Tillman who emerges from Krakauer’s account is a disciplined, ferociously inquisitive skeptic. . . . Krakauer has performed an important service.” —The Detroit Free Press
“Pat Tillman is just the kind of tough, smart, off-the societal-grid kind of character to attract Krakauer. . . . [A] deeply reported, fascinating account.” —The Boulder Daily Camera
“Engaging storytelling. . . . Krakauer has a knack for weaving in great detail while moving the story along. . . . [He] stich[es] together the soldier’s complex persona, depicting the highly motivated athlete who thrived on David vs. Goliath challenges. . . . Restores the late Pat Tillman’s humanity.” —Pittsburgh Post-Gazette
“Krakauer seamlessly pieces together the interviews, the testimony and the journals to tell the story of an extraordinary man faced with extraordinary circumstances.” —The News Sun (Chicago)
“Jon Krakauer has made a name for himself by writing about impassioned individuals and the incredible lengths to which they go in pursuit of their goals. . . . [He] confronts a most perplexing subject in Pat Tillman, a bright, highly principled and complex man.” —The San Jose Mercury News
“An affecting portrait . . . combining empathy and extensive reporting. . . . The facts speak eloquently.” —Bloomberg News
About the Author
www.jonkrakauer.com
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
As a child growing up in Almaden, California (an upscale suburb of San Jose), Pat had started playing baseball at the age of seven. It quickly became apparent to the adults who watched him throw a ball and swing a bat that he possessed extraordinary talent, but Pat seems not to have been particularly cognizant of his own athletic gifts until he was selected for the aforementioned all-star team in the summer of 1988. As the tournament against teams of other standout middle-school athletes got under way, he mostly sat on the bench. When the coach eventually put Pat into a game, however, he clobbered a home run and made a spectacular catch of a long fly ball hit into the outfield. Fourteen years later, as he contemplated life from the perspective of an Army barracks, he regarded that catch as a pivotal moment--a confidence booster that contributed significantly to one of his defining traits: unwavering self-assurance.
In 1990, Pat matriculated at Almaden's Leland High School, one of the top public schools in the San Francisco Bay Area, both academically and athletically. Before entering Leland he had resolved to become the catcher on the varsity baseball team, but the head coach, Paul Ugenti, informed Pat that he wasn't ready to play varsity baseball and would have to settle for a position on the freshman-sophomore team. Irked and perhaps insulted by Ugenti's failure to recognize his potential, Pat resolved to quit baseball and focus on football instead, even though he'd taken up the latter sport barely a year earlier and had badly fractured his right tibia in his initial season when a much larger teammate fell on his leg during practice.
With a November birthday, Pat was among the youngest kids in Leland's freshman class, and when he started high school, he was only thirteen years old. He also happened to be small for his age, standing five feet five inches tall and weighing just 120 pounds. When he let it be known that he was going to abandon baseball for football, an assistant coach named Terry Hardtke explained to Pat that he wasn't "built like a football player" and strongly urged him to stick with baseball. Once Tillman set his sights on a goal, however, he wasn't easily diverted. He told the coach he intended to start lifting weights to build up his muscles. Then he assured Hardtke that not only would he make the Leland football team but he intended to play college football after graduating from high school. Hardtke replied that Pat was making a huge mistake--that his size would make it difficult for him ever to win a starting position on the Leland team, and that he stood virtually no chance of ever playing college ball.
Pat, however, trusted his own sense of his abilities over the coach's bleak predictions, and tried out for the Leland football team regardless. Six years later he would be a star linebacker playing in the Rose Bowl for a national collegiate championship. Twenty months after that he began a distinguished career in the National Football League.
Midway between San Jose and Oakland, the municipality of Fremont rises above the eastern shore of San Francisco Bay, a city of 240,000 that's always existed in the shadow of its flashier neighbors. This is where Patrick Daniel Tillman was born on November 6, 1976. Not far from the hospital where Pat entered the world is a commercial district of pharmacies, chiropractic clinics, and fast-food restaurants bisected by a four-lane thoroughfare. Along three or four blocks of this otherwise unremarkable stretch of Fremont Boulevard, one finds a concentration of incongruously exotic establishments: the Salang Pass Restaurant, an Afghan carpet store, a South Asian cinema, a shop selling Afghan clothing, the De Afghanan Kabob House, the Maiwand Market. Inside the latter, the shelves are stocked with hummus, olives, pomegranate seeds, turmeric, bags of rice, and tins of grapeseed oil. A striking woman wearing a head scarf and an elaborately embroidered vest inlaid with dozens of tiny mirrors stands at a counter near the back of the store, waiting to buy slabs of freshly baked naan. Little Kabul, as this neighborhood is known, happens to be the nexus of what is purportedly the highest concentration of Afghans in the United States, a community made famous by the best-selling novel The Kite Runner.
By loose estimate, some ten thousand Afghans reside in Fremont proper, with another fifty thousand scattered across the rest of the Bay Area. They started showing up in 1978, when their homeland erupted into violence that has yet to abate three decades later. The chaos was sparked by accelerating friction between political groups within Afghanistan, but fuel for the conflagration was supplied in abundance and with great enthusiasm by the governments of the United States and the Soviet Union as each maneuvered to gain advantage in the Cold War.
The Soviets had been lavishing billions of rubles in military and economic aid on Afghanistan since the 1950s, and had cultivated close ties with the nation's leaders. Despite this injection of outside capital, by the 1970s Afghanistan remained a tribal society, essentially medieval in character. Ninety percent of its seventeen million residents were illiterate. Eighty-five percent of the population lived in the mountainous, largely roadless countryside, subsisting as farmers, herders, or nomadic traders. The overwhelming majority of these impoverished, uneducated country dwellers answered not to the central government in Kabul, with which they had little contact and from which they received almost no tangible assistance, but rather to local mullahs and tribal elders. Thanks to Moscow's creeping influence, however, a distinctly Marxist brand of modernization had begun to establish a toehold in a few of the nation's largest cities.
Afghanistan's cozy relationship with the Soviets originated under the leadership of Prime Minister Mohammed Daoud Khan, a Pashtun with fleshy jowls and a shaved head who was appointed in 1953 by his cousin and brother-in-law, King Mohammed Zahir Shah. Ten years later Daoud was forced to resign from the government after launching a brief but disastrous war against Pakistan. But in 1973 he reclaimed power by means of a nonviolent coup d'etat, deposing King Zahir and declaring himself the first president of the Republic of Afghanistan.
A fervent subculture of Marxist intellectuals, professionals, and students had by this time taken root in Kabul, intent on bringing their country into the twentieth century, kicking and screaming if need be, and President Daoud--who dressed in hand-tailored Italian suits--supported this shift toward secular modernity as long as it didn't threaten his hold on power. Under Daoud, females were given opportunities to be educated and join the professional workforce. In cities, women started appearing in public without burqas or even head scarves. Many urban men exchanged their traditional shalwar kameezes for Western business attire. These secular city dwellers swelled the ranks of a Marxist political organization known as the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan, or PDPA.
The Soviets were Daoud's allies in the push to modernize Afghanistan, at least initially. Aid from Moscow continued to prop up the economy and the military, and under an agreement signed by Daoud, every officer in the Afghan Army went to the Soviet Union to receive military training. But he was walking a perilous political tight rope. While welcoming Soviet rubles, Daoud was an impassioned Afghan nationalist who had no desire to become a puppet of the Soviet president, Leonid Brezhnev. And although Daoud was committed to modernizing his nation, he wanted to move at a pace slow enough to avoid provoking the Islamist mullahs who controlled the hinterlands. In the end, alas, his policies placated few and managed to antagonize almost everyone else--most significantly the Soviets, the urban leftists, and the bearded fundamentalists in the countryside.
At the beginning of his presidency, Daoud had pledged to reform the government and promote civil liberties. Very soon after taking office, however, he started cracking down hard on anyone who resisted his edicts. Hundreds of rivals from all sides of the political divide were arrested and executed, ranging from antimodernist tribal elders in far-flung provinces to urban communists in the PDPA who had originally supported Daoud's rise to power.
For millennia in Afghanistan, political expression has all too often been synonymous with mayhem. On April 19, 1978, a funeral for a popular communist leader who was thought to have been murdered on Daoud's orders turned into a seething protest march. Organized by the PDPA, as many as thirty thousand Afghans took to the streets of Kabul to show their contempt for President Daoud. In typical fashion, Daoud reacted to the demonstration with excessive force, which only further incited the protesters. Sensing a momentous shift in the political tide, most units in the Afghan Army broke with Daoud and allied themselves with the PDPA. On April 27, 1978, MiG-21 jets from the Afghan Air Force strafed the Presidential Palace, where Daoud was ensconced with eighteen hundred members of his personal guard. That night, opposition forces overran the palace amid a rain of bullets. When the sun came up and the gunfire petered out, Daoud and his entire family were dead, and the surrounding streets were strewn with the bodies of two thousand Afghans.
The communist PDPA immediately assumed power and renamed the nation the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. Backed by the Soviet Union, the new government moved ruthlessly to establish control across the country. During the PDPA's first twenty months at the helm, twenty-seven thousand political dissidents were rounded up, transported to the infamous Pul-e-Charkhi prison on the outskirts of Kabul, and summarily executed.
By this point the violence had instigated a wholesale exodus of Afghans to foreign lands. Because those targeted for elimination by the PDPA tended to be influential mullahs or members of the intellectual and professional classes, many of the refugees who sought sanctuary came from the elite ranks of Afghan society. Two years after Pat Tillman's birth in Fremont, California, Afghans began flocking to the city where he was delivered.
Back in Afghanistan, the brutality of the PDPA inspired a grassroots insurrection that rapidly escalated into full-blown civil war. At the forefront of the rebellion were Muslim holy warriors, the Afghan mujahideen, who fought the communist infidels with such ferocious intensity that in December 1979 the Soviets dispatched 100,000 troops to Afghanistan to quell the rebellion, prop up the PDPA, and protect their Cold War interests in the region.
Nations throughout the world sternly criticized the Soviets for the incursion. The strongest rebuke came from the United States. Expressing shock and outrage over the invasion, President Jimmy Carter called it "the most serious threat to peace since the Second World War," and initiated first a trade embargo and then a boycott of the 1980 Moscow Olympics.
But Carter's righteous indignation was more than slightly disingenuous. Although the U.S. government claimed otherwise in official statements, the CIA had begun purchasing weapons for the mujahideen at least six months before the Soviet invasion, and this clandestine support was intended not to deter Moscow but to provoke it. According to Carter's national security adviser, Zbigniew Brzezinski, the purpose of arming the Afghans was to stimulate enough turmoil in Afghanistan "to induce a Soviet military intervention." Brzezinski, the most fervent cold warrior in the Carter administration, boasted in a 1998 interview that the intent of providing arms to the mujahideen was specifically to draw "the Soviets into the Afghan trap" and ensnare them in a debilitating Vietnam-like debacle.
If that was the plan, it worked. Almost immediately upon occupying the country, the legendary Soviet Fortieth Army found itself neck deep in an unexpectedly vicious guerrilla war that would keep its forces entangled in Afghanistan for the next nine years.
Before the Soviet invasion, Afghanistan was riven by so many intransigent political and tribal factions that the nation had been for all intents and purposes ungovernable. In reflexive opposition to the Soviet occupation, virtually the entire country spontaneously united--a degree of cohesion no modern Afghan leader had ever come close to achieving.
This newly unified opposition was characterized by extraordinary violence. The mujahideen seldom took prisoners in their skirmishes with the invaders. They made a habit of mutilating the bodies of the Soviets they killed in creatively gruesome ways in order to instill terror in those sent to recover the bodies. When the mujahideen did take prisoners, according to Soviet survivors, the infidel soldiers were often gang-raped and tortured.
The Afghans quickly figured out that fighting the Soviets by conventional means was a recipe for certain defeat. Instead of confronting Soviet forces directly with large numbers of fighters, the mujahideen adopted the classic stratagems of insurgent warfare, employing small bands of ten or fifteen men to ambush the enemy and then vanish back into the landscape before the Soviets could launch counterattacks. Soviet soldiers began to refer to the mujahideen as dukhi, Russian for "ghosts." The Afghans took brilliant advantage of the mountainous terrain to stage devastating ambushes from the high ground as Soviet convoys moved through the confines of the valley bottoms. The Soviet cause wasn't helped by a policy designated as "Limited Contingent": Moscow decided to cap the number of Fortieth Army troops in Afghanistan at 115,000, despite the fact that before the invasion Soviet generals had warned that as many as 650,000 soldiers would be needed to secure the country.*
The pitiless style of guerrilla combat waged by the Afghans had an unnerving effect on the Soviets sent to fight them. Morale plummeted, especially as the conflict dragged on year after year. Because opium and hashish were readily available everywhere, drug addiction among the Soviet conscripts was rife. Their numbers were further ravaged by malaria, dysentery, hepatitis, tetanus, and meningitis. Although there were never more than 120,000 Soviet troops in Afghanistan at any given time, a total of 642,000 soldiers served there throughout the course of the war--470,000 of whom were debilitated by disease, addicted to heroin, wounded in battle, or killed.
The tenacity and brutality of the mujahideen prompted the Soviets to adopt ruthless tactics of their own. As they came to realize that it was much easier to kill unarmed civilians than to hunt down the fearsome and elusive mujahideen, the Soviets increasingly focused their attacks on the rural tribespeople who sometimes harbored combatants but didn't shoot back, rather than assaulting the mujahideen directly. Jet aircraft bombed whole valleys with napalm, laying waste to farmland, orchards, and settlements. Helicopter gunships not only targeted villagers but massacred their herds of livestock as well. These calculated acts of genocide went virtually unnoticed outside of Afghanistan.
The shift toward scorched-earth tactics intensified after Konstantin Chernenko became the Soviet general secretary in February 1984 and initiated a campaign of high-altitude carpet bombing. Taking off from bases within the Soviet Union and flying as high as forty thousand feet, safely beyond the range of mujahideen antiaircraft weapons, squadrons of swept-wing, twin-engine Tu-16 Badgers annihilated entire towns.
Product details
- ASIN : 030738604X
- Publisher : Anchor; Reprint edition (July 27, 2010)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 480 pages
- ISBN-10 : 9780307386045
- ISBN-13 : 978-0307386045
- Lexile measure : 1300L
- Item Weight : 11.8 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.16 x 0.1 x 7.95 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #24,147 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #11 in Afghan War Military History
- #14 in Afghan War Biographies
- #20 in Football (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
About the author
In 1999 Jon Krakauer received an Academy Award in Literature from the American Academy of Arts and Letters. According to the award citation, "Krakauer combines the tenacity and courage of the finest tradition of investigative journalism with the stylish subtlety and profound insight of the born writer. His account of an ascent of Mount Everest has led to a general reevaluation of climbing and of the commercialization of what was once a romantic, solitary sport; while his account of the life and death of Christopher McCandless, who died of starvation after challenging the Alaskan wilderness, delves even more deeply and disturbingly into the fascination of nature and the devastating effects of its lure on a young and curious mind."
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Some have complained that this book is either not a well-told story or not up to Krakauer's usual standards. To me, this is nonsense. This book was every bit as much a page-turner as any other of his books. The way he weaves the story of Afghanistan, US policy and actions, Al Qaeda's increasingly bold series of attacks, and Tillman's life is skillful and does not come off as contrived as it so easily could have. Krakauer frequently makes direct linkages in time between Tillman's life and events in Afghanistan (and elsewhere), for instance on p. 79, "In the predawn hours on the day of that game, as Pat was asleep in his hotel room, a Toyota delivery truck appeared at the entrance to a parking lot behind the American embassy in Nairobi, Kenya."
The history of Afghanistan Krakauer provides, admirably brief, is needed to set the stage on which Tillman will eventually play. (I have read extensively on Afghanistan and the rest of central Asia; and, based on my conversations with others, the vast majority of Americans need this historical overview to make sense of the events in the book.) This is not a narrowly-focused biography of Tillman that plops him (surprise!) into an unknown Afghanistan to die in a meaningless way. Setting the stage in Afghanistan gives great meaning to flow of events that brought him there and his motivations. In spite of the complaints that it's not a straight biography of Tillman (it wasn't intended to be), it chronicles Tillman's post-adolescent life, especially his post-enlistment life, in great detail (almost too much for me.) There are frequent long quotes from his journals. Many direct quotes of Tillman's own public and private statements. Frequent quotes from interviews with his friends, family, wife, coaches, roommates, fellow students, fellow soldiers, his commanders. I doubt more detail could have been written about his service in the army and still remain readable.
Many of the negative comments on the book complain about Krakauer's "criticism of the Bush Administration." A book about a man whose death was part of a large public cover-up and whose very exposure to combat was part of a controversial set of geo-political actions by the US Administration (our first preemptive war, for one thing, a decision that will haunt us into the distant future), inevitably MUST be in part political. However, the plain facts about who took what decisions and the results of those decisions are laid out in a very dispassionate way. In no way does the book devolve into a political diatribe. (Anyone familiar with Krakauer's writing knows that understatement is one of his strengths.) Some of those decisions were clearly bad blunders. I'm sure that burns in certain political quarters. Bush, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz, Cheney, et al. are rarely mentioned. Clinton comes off as a weak CinC, crippled into inaction against Al Qaeda by his affair with Ms. Lewinsky. All of our failings come off looking bad, because of course they were bad. We did fail, as a nation, to react correctly to Al Qaeda and the Taliban. These are plain facts.
Several reviewers have commented that Krakauer, since he is not a combat veteran, cannot have the perspective to make any valid commentary on the actions of men in combat. I respectfully assert that this is nonsense. He can't give a soldier's personal perspective; but there is a long and distinguished history of non-military writers on military subjects, including personal combat. Mainly they do it by interviewing soldiers and reading their journals: Which is exactly what Krakauer has done. I refer the reader to Blackhawk Down by Mark Bowden, Thomas Ricks' Making the Corps, and John Keagan's books, in particular The Face of Battle, among many other excellent books on combat (or being a soldier) by non-combatants.
The Face of Battle (Hardcover)
Black Hawk Down: A Story of Modern War [ILLUSTRATED] (Hardcover)
Making the Corps: 10th Anniversary Edition with a New Afterword by the Author (Paperback)
Krakauer has made some quite extreme technical climbs in remote mountains. I have never been in the military nor in combat (I'm grateful to say.) However, one of my closest climbing partners of many years was one of the LRRP soldiers in Vietnam: They were dropped behind enemy lines in small groups every 10-14 days to search and destroy for 4-9 days at a time. He saw plenty of "action." He tells me that the only thing that had the intensity of combat is the intensity and peril of difficult technical mountaineering (at least this was true for him.) He also noted that the camaraderie of the rope was comparable to the unit cohesion of the military: The trust and comradeship. I met Krakauer on Mt. McKinley while he was soloing the mountain: He's a solid customer and quite bold. I can say for myself that difficult, exposed climbing in remote places have been the most riveting experiences of my life. You get completely into "the zone" where nothing is in your mind except the here and now, this concrete second in your life. The comradeship and trust of the rope are peak experiences. Your partner, their hands on your rope, literally holds your life in their hands. The point is: Krakauer does have some perspective on life-and-death high-stress situations, even if he hasn't been in combat.
Some have complained that Krakauer notes Tillman's lack of religion: "I am also unclear as to why Krakauer feels the need to tell everyone Tillman was an agnostic/atheist" This is bizarre to me. Would they be complaining if it were noted that Tillman were a Christian (he wasn't)? Is one's religious stance not important to one's motivations? Are not Tillman's motivations for enlisting some of the main points of his story? There are two pertinent quotes:
p. 34 "[in his diary, Tillman] opined that religion was inadequate to elucidate the mysteries of existence."
p. 116 "But there was more to his decision than he shared with ESPN. Pat was agnostic, perhaps even an atheist, but the Tillman family creed nevertheless imparted to him an overarching sense of values that included a belief in the transcendent importance of continually striving to better oneself - intellectually, morally, and physically."
And there is also:
p. 16 "When [Tillman and his brothers] had to be indoors, they engaged in clamorous discussions about current events, history, and politics with their parents and each other. Almost no subject was off-limits. Encouraged to think critically and be skeptical of conventional wisdom, Pat learned to trust in himself and be unafraid to buck the herd."
These all seem quite on topic in a discussion of Tillman's life and what motivated him to enlist in the army. Many American Christians seem to believe that none of their non-co-religionists are in possession of morals or proper values (viz.: Lt. Col. Kauzlarich, pp. 314, 315). The point is directly pertinent to that attitude.
multi million dollar contract to become a "friendly fire" statistic
in Afghanistan. Krakauer says thus far in the current Iraq War 41
percent of U S casualties are by "friendly fire". The number was 39
percent in Vietnam and 52 percent the first Iraq war. Tillman's
widow Marie was the only family member to contribute "on the record"
for Krakauer's book. Political alert: Since most of my conservative
friends see anything that challenges their orthodoxy and world view
as unworthy of attention I don't think they will like or appreciate
this book. Why? Because we learn that Pat Tillman and his family do
not reinforce the stereotype of a fallen American Military hero.
Tillman questioned the Iraq war, opposed the Bush administrations
conduct of the war, was an atheist who did not wish to have a
religious or a military service if he died and all the same was a
reluctant hero who gave up much to volunteer along with his brother
to fight after 9/11. Why did Tillman join the Army and want to be an
enlisted man? Tillman kept a very detailed and personal journal and
Krakauer is an excellent writer who seems to find these unusual
individuals that defy convention (such as in his books Into the Wild
and Into Thin Air which is still his best work). Here Krakauer jumps
back and forth between recent events to focus on Tillman's life,
marriage, and friends concluding with how it was possible for him to
be shot by an individual from his own platoon with three .223-caliber
bullets tightly grouped together as they entered the right side of
Tillman's forehead. His brain to be found days later in the dirt near
where he died and it was later lost as a result of one of many
strange Army snafus. How could this event happen? Why when it did
happen did the Army cover it up? Did they cover it up? Why did the
Army provide false testimonial evidence to support a silver star for
Tillman? Why did they order members of Tillman's platoon not to
provide accurate information on the events of the shooting,
especially to Tillman's brother who was a member of that very same
platoon? And why was manufacturing pro war propaganda so important to
those in the Bush administration? And lastly, how many Americans
today even know the truth about Tillman after all these years
(Tillman was killed in 2004)? This is a sad and disturbing book that
leads one to think about what it means to fight and die for one's
country. This is also an important book, if only to insure we obtain
a better understanding of what happened to someone who marched to his
own personal beliefs no matter the risk. And how his government
betrayed his memory. (Note: Krakauer's book reminded me, in part, of
the excellent 1976 book about Vietnam by C.D.B. Bryan, titled
"Friendly Fire". That book is about one of the individuals who became
part of the 39 percent statistic that Krakauer quotes for that war.)
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As each disaster is carefully unpacked for us by Krakauer, all I could do was shake my head in despair as the litany of stuff-up's unfolded. FUBAR and SNAFU indeed.
And the other thing was the cover up, whereby the Administration tried to take advantage of the tragedy by suggesting Tillman had been killed by insurgents. This was utterly disgraceful and they should have known better.
However, I think the book is not entirely balanced in it's treatment of Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld and the commanders who caused the several tragedies to unfold. For example, it's doubtful a Democrat administration wouldn't have tried to cover Tillman's death up, and/or try and make the most of it for propaganda purposes.
Still a great read, and if you want to be tormented by 'friendly-fire' incidents, this book is for you!
The book is a “must have” for those that appreciate critical thinking and don’t buy everything that’s put in front of them.